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Jamaica’s Push to Remove King Charles as Head of State Sparks Debate on Colonial Legacy

Jamaica is moving forward with plans to remove King Charles III as its head of state, reflecting a growing shift in public sentiment toward full sovereignty. However, the government’s proposed bill to sever ties with the British monarchy has sparked criticism from those who argue that the changes do not go far enough in dismantling colonial-era structures.


Since gaining independence in 1962, Jamaica has retained the British monarch as its ceremonial head of state, a status shared by 13 other former British colonies. Over the years, public opinion has steadily shifted in favor of republicanism, with a 2022 survey by pollster Don Anderson indicating that 56% of Jamaicans supported the removal of the monarchy—an increase from 40% a decade earlier. The call for constitutional change gained further momentum after Barbados became a republic in 2021, and in December 2023, Prime Minister Andrew Holness’s administration introduced a bill to formally remove King Charles.

The historical backdrop of this shift is deeply tied to the legacy of transatlantic slavery, during which hundreds of thousands of Africans were forcibly brought to Jamaica. Many scholars and advocates argue that the enduring effects of colonialism continue to shape economic and social inequalities on the island. Calls for reparations from Britain have intensified across the Caribbean, although the UK government has thus far refused such demands. While Buckingham Palace has traditionally maintained that decisions regarding the monarchy rest with individual nations, Prince William, during a 2022 visit to the Bahamas, stated that he respected any decision Caribbean nations made about their constitutional future.

Contentious Debate Over the Bill’s Provisions

The proposed legislation, expected to be debated in Parliament as early as this month, must be ratified through a national referendum if passed. However, the bill’s details—particularly the method for selecting a future Jamaican president—have become a major point of contention.

Under the government’s proposal, the president, who would replace the British-appointed governor-general, would be nominated by the prime minister in consultation with the opposition leader. If the two fail to reach an agreement, the prime minister would ultimately have the authority to select the nominee, who would then require a simple parliamentary majority for confirmation.

Critics, including members of the opposition People’s National Party (PNP), argue that this system would undermine the president’s independence. Donna Scott-Mottley, the PNP’s spokesperson on justice, called the proposed selection process flawed. "If the prime minister wants his right-hand man to become president, he simply does the nomination," she told Reuters. Former Prime Minister P.J. Patterson echoed this concern, warning that the system could create a “puppet of the prime minister.”

Steven Golding, head of the Universal Negro Improvement Association—founded by Jamaican civil rights leader Marcus Garvey—welcomed the move to sever colonial ties but cautioned that the reforms must be meaningful. "We must make sure that it's not just cosmetic surgery. We don’t want to swap having a British monarch for a merely symbolic president. I would like to see an executive president directly elected by the people," he said.

Legal Reforms and the Debate Over the Privy Council

Another contentious issue is Jamaica’s final court of appeal. Currently, legal matters can be escalated to the UK-based Privy Council, a system critics argue is outdated and inaccessible due to its cost and visa requirements for Jamaicans traveling to Britain. Advocates, including the PNP, are pushing for the country to instead recognize the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ), based in Trinidad and Tobago, as its highest judicial authority—an approach already adopted by Barbados, Belize, and Guyana.

However, the Holness administration has stated that court reforms would be addressed in a later phase of constitutional amendments. This stance has led to further divisions, with the PNP suspending its participation in the committee drafting the bill. "We believe the time has come for full decolonization, not piecemeal or phased reforms," said PNP leader Mark Golding.

Christopher Charles, a professor of political and social psychology at the University of the West Indies, compared the government’s approach to “wanting a divorce while keeping a room in the matrimonial home.” Constitutional change advocate Haile Mika’el Cujo warned that maintaining the Privy Council could discourage voters from supporting the referendum, stating, "People are not going to sign off on that."

Path Forward: Legislative Hurdles and Public Referendum

The bill is expected to pass the lower house, where the ruling Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) holds a two-thirds majority. However, in the upper house, at least one opposition vote will be required for passage. Even if the Senate blocks the bill, it can still be put to a national referendum, which the government hopes to hold by next year. For the constitutional change to take effect, at least two-thirds of voters must approve it.

The upcoming general election, scheduled for later this year, could potentially delay the process, adding further uncertainty to the timeline for Jamaica’s transition to a republic. Nonetheless, with growing public support for constitutional reform and increasing pressure from civil society, the push to remove the British monarchy appears to be gaining irreversible momentum.

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