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France Marks 80 Years Since Women First Voted: A Journey of Political Evolution

Paris, April 25, 2025 – Eighty years ago, on April 29, 1945, French women cast their ballots for the first time in a municipal election, marking a historic milestone in the nation’s democratic journey. This belated enfranchisement aligned France with global peers—Britain and Germany had granted women voting rights in 1918, while New Zealand led the way in 1893—after decades of resistance rooted in entrenched gender biases.


Postdoctoral researcher Anja Durovich from CNRS, an expert on gender in politics, attributes this delay to a pervasive societal view that “treated women as children, emotionally incapable, and unfit to make political decisions.” Emeritus Research Director Jeanine Mossuz-Lavau of CNRS adds that leftist parties, including the Radical Socialists, opposed women’s suffrage, fearing they would vote more conservatively due to their perceived practical and empathetic nature, influenced by clerical rhetoric.

Reflecting Societal Status

The initial impact of women’s voting rights was evident in the November 1945 legislative elections, where they leaned toward conservative candidates, a trend persisting into the 1970s. Data from IFOP’s report “Women’s Vote in France,” published in the 1993 Revue française de science politique by Mossuz-Lavau, reveals that in the June 1946 legislative election, 53% of women voted for leftist parties compared to 65% of men. Durovich notes that “until 1969, women participated far less than men,” a phenomenon she deems unsurprising given the systemic barriers.

Durovich explains that decades of exclusion required women to overcome significant hurdles: political socialization and access to cultural capital. Their voting patterns mirrored their societal role—lacking economic resources and distanced from political spheres. Before 1965, married women needed their husbands’ consent to work, reinforcing their marginalization. However, a shift began in the 1970s, with Mossuz-Lavau observing, “It was a period of progress: women began voting like men, with conservative tendencies declining as they engaged more actively.”

Evolution of Women’s Voting Patterns

This evolution reflects broader societal changes. Durovich highlights that increased female participation in the workforce enabled them to pursue economic interests through voting, while secularization aligned their choices with those of men. By the 1986 legislative elections, Mossuz-Lavau notes, “Women voted for the left as men did, erasing previous disparities.” By the 1990s and 2000s, women emerged as voters akin to any other demographic, with participation rates nearing men’s. Durovich cites the diversity of new generations—some working, some childless, spanning laborers to managers—as a driver of this shift, concluding that voting reflects economic, social, and class interests over gender equality alone.

Mossuz-Lavau emphasizes, “Women aren’t a monolithic bloc voting for other women—Segolene Royal would have won otherwise.” She adds that support for figures like Marine Le Pen stems from social and political motives, not gender, citing Le Pen’s party’s overt masculinity as less appealing to women’s sensitivity toward socially unacceptable ideologies.

Emerging Gender Gaps Among Youth

A notable trend in Western nations, including the US, UK, and South Korea, is a growing gender gap among 18- to 29-year-olds, with young women leaning leftward, according to a Financial Times study updated earlier this year based on multiple polls. In Germany’s February 24 federal election, 35% of women aged 18-24 voted for the far-left Die Linke (49% overall left), compared to 16% of men, with 27% of men supporting the far-right AfD versus 15% of women, per an Infratest poll.

In France, Durovich finds no such gap, noting a slight leftward tilt for Jean-Luc Mélenchon among young women in 2022, absent in 2024. She observes that some young men hold more regressive views on gender and LGBT+ issues, making France an exception. Mossuz-Lavau reflects on societal evolution, driven by open values and new rights, though resistance persists among some youth drawn to patriarchal norms.

Durovich notes that young women now outperform men educationally, yet workplace inequalities resurface, especially post-childbirth. This sensitivity to gender issues may shape future voting preferences, raising questions about how young women—and thus future female voters—will influence upcoming elections amidst these dynamic shifts.

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