Modi’s Operation Sindoor: A Strategic Recalibration of India’s National Security Doctrine

 “Wahan se goli chalegi, yahan se gola chalega" — If bullets come from there, shells will go from here. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's message was unambiguous, and over the past week, his government translated it into decisive action under Operation Sindoor, marking a fundamental shift in India's approach to cross-border terrorism.

On May 7, India struck at the heart of the terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan, targeting nerve centres in Bahawalpur and Muridke. This was in direct retaliation for the April 22 Pahalgam attack, with Modi instructing the armed forces to reduce these hubs — once considered untouchable — to rubble: “ko mitti mein mila do.” The strike was not aimed at foot soldiers or peripheral camps, but rather the strategic command of terrorist operations, sending a clear message that India’s response paradigm had shifted.

The second and more expansive strike came on May 10, when India launched attacks on several Pakistani air bases, including those in Islamabad and Rawalpindi, following a grave provocation: Pakistan’s launch of ballistic missiles targeting Indian military installations. While global powers moved to de-escalate the situation, Modi remained resolute. When U.S. Vice President JD Vance requested a halt to hostilities, Modi declined, stating that no "off-ramp" would be provided to Pakistan. He made it clear that any continued aggression would be met with an overwhelming response.

Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar echoed this unyielding stance during a conversation with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who conveyed that Pakistan’s Army Chief, General Asim Munir, was open to a ceasefire. Jaishankar replied bluntly that such a position must come directly from the Director General of Military Operations (DGMO) of Pakistan to his Indian counterpart: “Let Pakistan DGMO say so directly to India.”

Under mounting pressure, Pakistan eventually relented. In a significant diplomatic development, the Pakistani DGMO initiated contact with India on May 10. The DGMOs from both nations spoke at 3:35 p.m., initiating a tentative cessation of hostilities. However, Indian officials made it clear this truce remains subject to a "review and equal response" framework, especially as Pakistan continued drone incursions over the weekend.

These developments underscore a major evolution in Modi’s national security philosophy: India will no longer tolerate cross-border terrorism under the shield of nuclear deterrence. Terrorism, if sponsored or enabled by Pakistan, will henceforth be treated as an act of war.

This policy was visibly enacted on May 7, when Modi gave specific instructions: avoid targeting minor camps and operatives; instead, dismantle the headquarters in Muridke and Bahawalpur. The strike on Bahawalpur — located 100 km inside Pakistani territory — obliterated the leadership core of Jaish-e-Mohammed, a terror outfit nurtured by the ISI. For India, Operation Sindoor marked the culmination of retaliation for Pahalgam, with over 100 terrorists neutralized.

Anticipating retaliation, the Indian government prepared for further escalation. On the night of May 8, Pakistan unleashed swarms of drones across the Western border, targeting civilian and military sites from Leh to Sir Creek. India’s air defences intercepted all drones, and in response, Indian forces destroyed Lahore’s air defence infrastructure and additional military installations using drone strikes.

Following an IMF bailout on May 9, Pakistan escalated sharply, launching ballistic missiles towards Punjab and Haryana, and deploying fighter aircraft to strike Indian bases in Adampur, Udhampur, Jammu, and Srinagar. One long-range Fatah missile, reportedly headed for Delhi, was intercepted near Sirsa.

That night, Modi took a landmark decision. For the first time, India deployed BrahMos missiles in combat, and Rafale jets launched SCALP and HAMMER missiles at nearly ten Pakistani air bases. Unlike Pakistan’s largely unsuccessful offensive, India's strikes inflicted significant damage, particularly at Nur Khan Air Base in Rawalpindi and another key base in Islamabad.

As Defence Minister Rajnath Singh declared: “The Indian strike reverberated in Rawalpindi, the headquarters of the Pakistani Army.” It was a moment that redefined the rules of engagement, compelling Pakistan to concede ground diplomatically and militarily.

Throughout this escalation, Modi maintained a deliberate diplomatic distance — choosing not to engage with Pakistan, nor allowing NSA Ajit Doval to initiate dialogue. Moreover, Modi has kept the Indus Waters Treaty in abeyance, even in the aftermath of the ceasefire understanding. His government has also rejected any U.S. mediation in Kashmir, reinforcing a long-standing position.

Modi’s strategic posture is consistent with his 2019 decision to abrogate Article 370, fully integrating Jammu and Kashmir into the Indian Union. To him, there is only one outstanding issue with Pakistan: the return of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). As far as Modi is concerned, there is nothing else left to discuss.