Erik Prince, a prominent Donald Trump ally and founder of the controversial security firm Blackwater, has revealed plans to maintain a private security presence in Haiti for up to a decade—under an arrangement that could eventually give his company, Vectus Global, a role in the country’s tax-collection system.
In an interview, Prince said he expects to reclaim key roads and territories from armed gangs within a year. “One key measure of success for me will be when you can drive from Port-au-Prince to Cap-Haïtien in a thin-skinned vehicle and not be stopped by gangs,” he stated.
Prince declined to disclose the financial terms of the contract, including how much the Haitian government will pay Vectus Global or the amount of tax revenue the firm aims to collect.
The current president of Haiti’s transitional council, Laurent Saint-Cyr—sworn in on August 7 as part of a planned rotation of leadership—did not respond to requests for comment. Haiti’s former council president and prime minister also remained silent on the matter.
Undisclosed Long-Term Role
Vectus Global began operations in Haiti in March, initially deploying drones in coordination with a task force led by the prime minister. The scope of its long-term engagement, including its involvement in tax collection, had not been publicly reported before now.
A source familiar with Vectus’ operations told Reuters that the company plans to intensify efforts against Haiti’s criminal gangs in the coming weeks, deploying several hundred fighters from the United States, Europe, and El Salvador. These forces reportedly include trained snipers, intelligence and communications specialists, as well as helicopters and boats.
A Controversial Figure
Prince, a former U.S. Navy SEAL, founded Blackwater in 1997 and sold it in 2010 after a deadly incident in Iraq’s Nisour Square, where Blackwater employees killed 14 unarmed civilians while escorting a U.S. embassy convoy. The men were later pardoned by Donald Trump during his first presidential term.
Since Trump’s return to the White House, Prince has advised Ecuador on combating organized crime and struck a deal with the Democratic Republic of Congo to help secure and tax its mineral wealth.
“It’s hard to imagine them operating without the consent of the Trump administration,” said Romain Le Cour Grandmaison, head of the Haiti program at the Geneva-based Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime.
A State Department spokesperson denied any U.S. government involvement, stating: “The U.S. government has no involvement with the private military contractor hired by the Haitian government. We are not funding this contract or exercising any oversight.”
Haiti’s Escalating Crisis
Haiti’s security crisis has deepened in recent years, with armed gangs seizing large swathes of territory, attacking hospitals, police stations, and prisons, and taking control of strategic transport routes. These groups are accused of massacres, rapes, kidnappings, and arson. Roughly half of the country’s population faces food insecurity, with more than 8,000 displaced individuals at risk of famine-level hunger.
Historically, Haiti collected about half of its tax revenue at the border with the Dominican Republic. However, gang dominance over key transport routes has crippled trade, slashed state revenue, and undermined the government’s ability to provide essential services.
The Dominican Republic remains a crucial supplier of grains, flour, milk, water, and other staples to Haiti, as well as textiles, consumer goods, and medical supplies.
Concerns Over Private Military Engagement
Security contractors in Haiti operate in a highly complex environment, with entrenched connections between gangs, police, and some political factions. Earlier this year, U.S.-based Studebaker Defense withdrew its team after two members were abducted—allegedly with the involvement of corrupt police officials.
Mounir Mahmalat, country coordinator for the World Bank’s Fragility, Conflict, and Violence Group, said that ensuring safe transport of goods or personnel in Port-au-Prince is “virtually impossible.”
Critics warn that channeling resources to private military companies rather than strengthening Haiti’s own security forces could prove short-sighted. “Resorting to private military companies cannot be seen as a solution to insecurity in Haiti,” said Gedeon Jean, director of the Center for Human Rights Analysis and Research in Port-au-Prince. “The use of private companies has often resulted in human rights violations.”
Jean added that while private forces might provide short-term relief, heavy spending on foreign contractors risks leaving Haiti’s national security forces underfunded and ill-equipped for the long term.
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